We are Greek: Australian Hellenophobia during WW1

Introduction

Growing up, I heard stories from my Greek family about Hellenophobia—discrimination against Greeks—in Australia which didn’t end until the 80s. But I was never a victim of Hellenophobia myself and I wondered why this was. It was for two reasons; the first reason I was never victimised was because by the time I was born, 1998, general anti-Greek sentiment in Australia had disintegrated. The slur ‘wog’, was reclaimed by Aleksi Vellis’s film The Wog Boy in 2000. Hellenophobia had been conquered, and subsumed. Discerning the death of Australian Hellenophobia has been unexplored by scholars, perhaps because the turning points are so clear, and still so fresh in the psyche of the Greek-Australian communities.

If Australian Hellenophobia had a death, then it must have had a birth, and it was not the wave of immigration from post World War 2 that I believed. My research took me back further than I expected, to a Greece split in two by World War 1, and to a pubescent Australia exploring the thrills of teenage independence, and all that comes with puberty—undeserved crankiness, hostility, and moodiness, all wrapped up in the monolithic chore all nations and people must reconcile with in order to become whole: trying to decide who to be. Australia has not completed that process, but in Perth and Kalgoorlie, during WW1, some Greeks-in-Australia were forced, quickly to decide who they wanted to be, and made some decisions which since, have snowballed into what has allowed my brother and myself, and a million of others from the same boat, freedom from discrimination for being Greek. This relates to the second reason I was never discriminated against: because I was considered White. What those Greeks did in Perth and Kalgoorlie during WW1, was one of the first steps in Greek Australians’ transformation from non-White, to White.

This article begins with an overview of the Kind and the Kaiser’s relationship and provides reasons why Greece under the rule of the King did not join WW1. I then explore the role of the Megáli Idéa and the National Schism, and how it led to the Kalgoorlie Riot. I explore Australian media coverage of Greece and the King during WW1 to demonstrate the media’s Hellenophobic bias and I explain how it perpetuated fear and suspicion which contributed to the riots. I then provide an overview of how the Perth Riot occurred, and then why the Kalgoorlie Riot occurred the way it did. Next I explore the reactions of the victims and find that they were provide a unique model of how to create change. In the final section, Whiteness, I explore how the reactions of the victims were a first step which transformed Greeks from non-White to White and also how the reactions were influenced by evolving ideas of race both in Greece and Australia.

 

The King and The Kaiser

King of the Hellenes: Konstantínos I was friends with Kaiser of the German Empire, and King of Prussia: Wilhelm II. The King and the Kaiser’s sister Sophia were married. During WW1, The King staunchly enforced neutrality for a few reasons. Firstly, because Greece was just recovering from the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913. Secondly, because during WW1, Greece was impoverished and could not economically support getting invaded.

Even though the King was sympathetic to the Kaiser, he knew that Greece could never join the Central Powers because Greeks would never fight alongside the Ottoman Empire because, in the Greeks’ opinion, the Ottoman Empire had invaded, conquered, occupied, oppressed and subjugated them for 376 years. The Ottomans were occupying their land especially Western Thrace where Constantinople (now named Istanbul) was, Póntos: a region of Anatolia below the Black Sea, the and Ionia: the Western, Mediterranean coast of Anatolia. The King did not want to fight on the side of the Allies either because Britain was occupying Cyprus and Italy was occupying the Dodecanese.

 

The Megáli Idéa and the National Schism

The Megáli Idéa, literally Great/big idea, was a pan-Hellenistic revanchist and irredentist movement that articulated a need for Greece to become a mighty civilization of the world once again by regaining all land once ruled by Alexander the Great, the Roman Empire, and the Byzantine Empire.

The extremists wanted the Mediterranean including the Balkans and Illyria, Epirus, Western Thrace, Eastern Thrace, Iberia, all Western Europe, Orthodox countries of Eastern Europe, England and Wales, Egypt, Mesopotamia, all of Anatolia, the Caucasus, the Levant, Persia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Northwestern India. The moderates wanted to unite only land where Greek speakers lived. One moderate was Prime Minister Elefthérios Venizélos.

Venizélos argued that if Greece joined WW1 on the side of the Allies, they would be able to, with the help of the French, British, and Russians, invade Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire and reclaim the Greek lands occupied by the Central Powers. According to Venizélos, Bulgaria was occupying Western Thrace and the Ottoman Empire was occupying Eastern Thrace, Constantinople, and Ionia. Epirus in Albania too was up for grabs during the War.

Prime Minister Venizélos and the King were deadlocked. Venizélos wanted to join the war, the King did not. After facing massive pushback from the opposition, from the military, and from the King, Venizélos resigned. Venizélos was popular though and his supporters forced a general election in June 1915 and he was re-elected as PM. Venizélos invited Ally troops to land in Thessaloniki in Macedonia to aid Serbia. He then tried to force a parliamentary motion to declare war on Bulgaria. The King dismissed his government, called for a new election, and forced Venizélos to resign. He left Athens and moved back to his home on Crete.

Because the King had reneged on Venizélos’s deal with the Allies, British, Italian, and French troops went to Athens to intimidate him into allowing the Allies to land in Thessaloniki to aid Serbia. The Ally troops were killed by Royalist forces in Athens. They were posthumously accused of invading Greece by the King. In Australia the next day, newspapers told the story of how Ally—especially British—troops were gunned down by Greeks and so the Kalgoorlie Riot began.

 

Hellenophobic Media Coverage of WW1

Newspaper articles published during WW1 in Australia about Greeks were Hellenophobic and contributed to distrust and fear of betrayal. For example, this article accused the King of having a secret agreement with the Kaiser: for being neutral, the German Empire would reward the King and Greece with Macedonia.¹  

 

 

Even Australian newspapers knew that the King did not approve of Venizélos’s invitation for Ally troops to arrive in Thessaloniki (Anglicized as Salonika). The King clearly articulated that they were not welcome in Greece, though he never threatened them with violence. Despite his stance, Ally troops arrived in Thessaloniki where many of them were killed by Royalists.²

 

 

Another article alleged German officers went to Greece to advise the King. This contributed to fears that Greece would join the Central Powers.³

 

 

In 1912, the Balkan Wars began. In Australia, the Greek communities collected money for the Greek war effort and to pay for many young Greek men in Australia to travel to Greece to enlist.⁴ The money collection was swift and concerted, and demonstrated competence, impressive organisation, and Greek-Australians’ ability to mobilize independently for war.⁴ Australians witnessed this and perhaps they feared that, if Greece were to join the Central Powers, Greeks-in-Australia, their neighbours, would immediately join and fight against Australians. This was not explicitly articulated, but it is evident in the media coverage of the war and newspapers’ criticism of Greek neutrality. According to Christos N. Fifis, the Australian government and the public

“feared that Bulgarians and Greeks might ally with the Germans during the First World War, undermining the cause of the Australian allies and damaging the Australian interests. This suspicion was directed more acutely towards the German community but also towards Greeks due to the alleged pro-German sympathies of the Greek King Constantine I.”⁵

All these media-perpetuated suspicions and fears came to an acme when the media reported that Greek soldiers massacred Ally soldiers at Athens.

 

The Perth Riot

On Friday 27 October 1916, 200 rogue veterans from New South Wales rioted and paraded through Perth, inspiring young civilians to join in. The veterans targeted and trashed businesses owned by Greeks. The rioters smashed windows, drank alcohol then refused to pay, ate at Greek-owned restaurants then refused to pay, stole tumblers of toothpicks, cigarettes, cigars, crayfish, chocolate, confectionary, furniture, fruit, and bottles of olives.⁶

The ideological inspiration of the Perth Riot has been attributed to anti-King sentiment, as rioters said “See us when Constantine gets off the fence”, and “When you become our allies, you will be treated as our allies”.⁷ John Yiannakis argues that the Perth riot was patriotic and xenophobic. The mob was patriotic, as they marched headed with a Union Jack while singing Tipperary and Australia Will Be There as they entered the city centre via William Street.⁶ The riot was xenophobic and specifically Hellenophobic as they targeted businesses owned by Greeks. The 200 veterans began at Stirling Street and marched to Beaufort Street Bridge. Rioting began in the markets where crayfish were looted from a Greek fishmonger and bizarrely brandished throughout the rampage.⁶ At William Street, they destroyed The London Café, owned by Athanasios Manolas. Next at Murray Street, the restaurant of K. G. Manolas was sacked.⁶ Then The Moana in Hay Street was attacked.⁸ At 9:30 PM, P. Michelides rang the police and asked for protection for his shop but was refused. Storeowner Andrew Carras, also asked for police protection against looters but was denied. Carras’s shop was raided shortly afterwards.⁶

56 police, military police, and detectives unsuccessfully attempted to quell the raiders: “All the efforts of the police and soldiers to prevent wanton destruction were unavailing”⁸. At 10:25 PM, the police requested assistance from the Light Horse Guard Picket from Claremont who arrived 15 minutes later. The Light Horse Picket “charged the mob”; in response, rioters brawled with police and the Light Horse Picket.⁸ Eventually, the rioters retreated and marched to Drill Hall and surrendered where 30 veterans were detained by the Picket and taken to a detention camp.⁷

Three other veterans, and three civilians were arrested by the police. The civilians were charged with looting. The next day, one veteran was charged with assault and unlawful possession and fined ten shillings. For creating a disturbance, one civilian was fined two pounds ten shillings and another one pound. Two veterans were fined one pound each for stealing chocolate. Yiannakis argues that “The presence of soldiers in the disturbances not only made the job of the police more difficult, but their participation seems to have been as provocators and leaders, intensifying the anti-foreign sentiment within the crowd.”⁶ Under the guise of patriotism, civilians opportunistically “demonstrated the intensifying animosity towards Greeks in Australia because of King Constantine’s supposed sympathies towards the Germans. The fear of Greek disloyalty increased the strong anti-foreign sentiment that prevailed throughout the country.”⁹ The Perth Riot is significant because it exemplifies how pervasive the media was. The Australian media, specifically newspapers, perpetuated a conspiracy theory that King Konstantínos I (and by extension all Greeks) was not just sympathetic to the Kaiser, but secretly in league with him.

Media coverage of the war, Greece, and the King contributed to Hellenophobia. By refusing to explain the reasons Greece would never join the Central Powers, the media could teeter between extremes. One day it was rumoured that the King was meeting with German officers in secret, the next, Greece was joining the Allies any day now. The media see-sawed between these two positions and failed to accurately capture the truth about who Greece was going to join. The biggest contribution to Australian Hellenophobia and anti-King sentiment was that newspapers never articulated why Greece would not join the Central Powers, and this ultimately allowed some Australians to genuinely believe that they would join the Central Powers and mobilize swiftly as they had in 1912.

 

The Kalgoorlie Riot

The Kalgoorlie Riot which occurred on Friday 8 December 1916 unfolded in a similar way to the Perth Riot except in Kalgoorlie, there were 2000 rioters. In Kalgoorlie, 15 Greek-owned shops were looted and wrecked. The rioters then “took the tramcar to Boulder”¹⁰ where they pillaged 6 more Greek-owned shops. In the Kalgoorlie Riot, 22 civilians and two veterans were arrested; Sarah Gregson says that 40 were arrested.¹¹ Why the Kalgoorlie Riot occurred is much more interesting than how, which is why I will focus on the reasons why it erupted, and not how it occurred.

Gregson described the racism fuelling the riots as “war-inspired racism”¹¹. This differentiates the inspiration for the Kalgoorlie Riot to the Perth Riot. While both were inspired by patriotism, xenophobia, racism, Hellenophobia, and anti-King sentiment, the Kalgoorlie Riot was additionally inspired by revenge. The Kalgoorlie riot was retaliatory for the deaths of Ally troops by Greek Royalist forces. According to the rioters, Greece was now on the side of the Central Powers.

For two years, the media perpetuated the fear that any day now, Greece will join the Central Powers because the King was friends with his brother-in-law the Kaiser, and sympathetic to his cause. According to Yiannakis, “the press pursued a sharply antagonistic policy towards King Constantine, constantly repeating the war-time slogan ‘who is not with us is against us!’.”⁹ Finally, Australians were provided evidence that Greeks were explicitly against the Allies after the skirmish in Athens where Ally troops were killed by Greek Royalist forces.

In The Western Australian, a column headlined Greek Treachery described how chaos overtook Athens as Royalist Forces fought against the Venizélists: “the Royalist forces and the mob have been guilty of very grave acts of violence.”¹²

 

 

The next article in the column, headlined The Athens Slaughter-house, further described the violence committed by the Royalists. The last article, headlined Saturday’s Conflict, described how the Allies were killed. It was this event which sparked the Kalgoorlie Riot. To rub salt into wound, the article says that the King and Queen went to a memorial service for Franz Joseph I: Emperor of Austria, and King of Hungary, who died a month before.¹²

 

 

The Kalgoorlie Miner implies that the King ordered his Royalists forces to kill the Allies as they established defences and waited: “Six thousand reservists united with five thousand garrison soldiers, well armed with guns and mitrailleuses and awaited the entry of the allied troops.”¹³

 

 

The Allies who went to Athens were French, British and Italian. The British troops that went were those who had just survived the Gallipoli campaign. Australians reading these articles must have been shocked and outraged to discover that the sons they had sent off to war were being gunned down in Athens.

 

Aftermath

Because the police failed to protect them and their stores, and judges refused to punish those responsible, the victims of the riots were forced to decide whether to, and if so, how to get justice. Yiannakis explains how the victims of the Perth Riot immediately felt: “Perth Greeks were left embittered. Hard work did not guarantee acceptance from Anglo-Australians, and prosperity did not ensure an immigrant happiness in Australia.”⁹ After the Perth Riot, 5 out of 6 arrested were charged and the punishments—fines—were small. The judicial reaction to the Kalgoorlie riot was clear injustice as judges described the looting, rioting and destruction as passionate outbursts of patriotism. Punishment was lenient because the perpetrators were veterans, not because the victims were Greek.

The reactions of the survivors of were solidarity, nonviolence, legality, and diplomacy and provide a model of how to create change when faced with monolithic adversity. The reactions were unique, unprecedented, and influenced by evolving Greek identities, and began the transformational process from Greeks being considered non-White to White.

Peter Michelides was prominent in the Greek community in Fremantle. He was the official Immigration Department translator and spoke 6 languages.¹⁴ After the Kalgoorlie Riot, he telegrammed Venizélos and implored him to negotiate with the British about the fate of Greek Australians.¹⁵ Greek Australians no longer knew if they were welcome or safe in Australia. Eleven days after the Kalgoorlie Riot, Michelides telegrammed Sir Ronald Munro-Ferguson, the Governor-General of Australia.¹⁵ Michelides highlighted the media’s role in contributing to irrational fears and Hellenophobic suspicions which triggered the riot: “the press had misunderstood the position of the Greeks and had implied that they were treacherous and that the Greek presence in Australia should not be tolerated.”¹⁶

H. P. Downing was Honorary Consul for Greece in Western Australia but resigned on 11 December. But after correspondence with Venizélos, he rescinded his resignation. Before he could retire, he had one more job to complete: acquire monetary compensation for the victims of the Hellenophobic riots. Downing worked within a hostile state government and directly with some victims who also represented the rest: 18 from Kalgoorlie and 6 from Perth. After a Western Australian commission rejected federal or state responsibility, the Venizélos and the Greek Government got involved and called for 10,000 pounds compensation from the Federal level and the State level.

While politicians and bureaucrats failed to vie for compensation, the actual victims found some success. The restaurant of Paizes and Zervos was raided during the Kalgoorlie Riot. Two years later, 14 November 1918, they received compensation. The article also snidely explains how Australian creditors will lose money to afford the compensation for Paizes and Zervos.¹⁷

 

 

The victims of the riots telegrammed the Greek Consul in Perth asking them to telegram the Venizélos Government of Greece to ensure that they receive compensation for damages from the British Government. They met with the Mayor of Kalgoorlie: Henry Walter Davidson to organise compensation. Mayor Davidson met with the Vice-Consul of Greece in Perth.¹⁸

 

 

 

 

The victims unceasingly and perhaps excessively sought justice. Their efforts reached the lowest and the highest positions of the Greek Government, the Australian Government, and the British Government. In the end, the victims were driven out of Kalgoorlie and Perth as they no longer felt safe there. Their neighbours had betrayed communal trust. Instead, they looked inward for justice and community. Many moved to Melbourne and Sydney where their numbers were greater.

The created change by causing a diplomatic incident by working within the system, and exploiting its faults. Paizes and Zervos exploited bankruptcy to get bailed out by the bank. In this way they received compensation. The Greek communities of Perth and Kalgoorlie consistently reiterated their loyalty to Venizélos, Australia, and the Allies in a show of solidarity. Despite this, they blamed the military for the riots as they were both instigated by veterans who were still legally under the jurisdiction of the military—they had yet to be discharged. Their role in beginning the riots cannot be understated and it is why there was only a Hellenophobic riot in Kalgoorlie. Australians in Melbourne and Sydney surely would have read inflammatory articles about how Greeks had killed Ally soldiers in Athens, but without rogue veterans to vociferously spout Hellenophobia and begin violence, riot could not occur.

 

Whiteness

The reactions of the victims of the Hellenophobic riots was one of the first steps in transforming Greeks from non-White to White. Greeks racialized themselves long before White, Western Europeans racialized them. The Greeks of Macedonia, Thrace and Epirus were northerners, so they were hardier mountain people who hunted game like rabbit rather than fish. The mainlanders were prissy intellectual Southerners while the Peloponnesus were the descendants of mighty Sparta and all obsessed with war. The islanders were all laid back fishermen while the Pontics had darker skin because they were from Anatolia, in the east. Even Greek speaking Egyptians were considered a different ethnicity. Each of the regions were seen to be the home of a different ethnicity, though all ethnicities spoke Greek.

When Greeks first came to Australia, they retained these notions of ethnicity. The Megáli Idéa and Pan-Hellenism eroded these notions. Instead, all Greek speakers came to be considered ethnically Greek. Greek identities were evolving and this influenced the reactions of the survivors. By Australians, Greeks were racialized inconsistently: as White Turks, Orthodox Slavs, Southern Europeans, and as White Asians. Andonis Piperoglou says that “the status of Greek migrants was far from stable or permanent.”¹⁹ The way Australians racialized Greeks also contributed to how Greek identities evolved. Greeks considered themselves Orthodox, European, Mediterranean Greek-speakers whose ethnicity was dependent on where they were from. The idea that they were different ethnicities according to where they were from was reinforced by dialects. Each region spoke a different dialect of Greek which allowed Pontic Greeks, for example, to identify not just as Greeks from Póntos, but a different ethnicity.

Despite considering themselves European, Greeks were victims of White Australia policies and so were not considered White during WW1. The Immigration Restriction Act prohibited entry of non-whites, Asians, and non-Europeans to Australia and was passed by the new Federal Government during the first parliamentary session in 1901. According to John Yiannakis, “policy direction towards Greek arrivals would fluctuate. Restrictions and quotas would be imposed, only to be disregarded, and then observed stringently.”²⁰ Greeks were treated inconsistently because they were racialized inconsistently. Greeks were conceptualized as Southern Europeans and grouped with Italians. Yiannakis says that “The relatively large number of ‘Southern Europeans’, notably Italians and Greeks, arriving in Western Australia at the turn of the century was a cause of major concern for many Anglo-Australians.”¹⁴ Census data demonstrated a large increase in Greek residents in Western Australia which contributed to the fear that “this ‘foreign presence’ would be detrimental to existing work practices and a threat to Australia’s racial purity.”¹⁴ Thus, two royal commissions occurred, in 1902 and 1904.

Australia did not know how to negotiate Greeks and Whiteness as the colour of their skin was inconsistent, some were as white as the British, whereas others, usually from Anatolia, Póntos, Ionia, and the Dodecanese had darker skin. WW1 made that decision easier. During the war, peoples were now good or bad, Allies or enemies, good or evil, depending on whose side their country fought for. Due to Greek neutrality, Greeks-in-Australia were the exception. They were not friends and, because of the media coverage of Greece’s neutrality, it was believed that soon they would become enemies. For one night in Perth, and then one night in Kalgoorlie, Greeks were the enemies.

The reactions of the survivors: solidarity, legality, diplomacy, and nonviolence implicitly paved the way for Greeks to be considered White. The reactions were influenced by an evolving Greek identity. The reactions reiterated that Greeks were not degenerated, despite “their dark appearance, apparent destitution, and inability to speak English”¹⁹, but in fact architects of a mighty, ancient civilization, and the creators of democracy and philosophy. They were an ancient people from “the classic land”¹⁹. Piperoglou argues that Greeks were “ancestrally tied to the romantic allure of Hellenic antiquity—a powerful allure, which along with Greek Orthodox identifications, set a small but visible populace of early Greek settlers apart in the delimitation of Australian racial thought.”²¹ Philhellenism and romantic notions of a White utopia in Greece thousands of years ago where where democracy was King trumped the ideas of Greeks as degenerated, as Slavs or Turks, or anything less than the descendants of Alexander the Great, Aristotle, Plato, and Pythagoras. White, antiquarian Greece was fetishized and romanticised and the reactions of the survivors implicitly, and perhaps accidently reiterated: ‘we are Greek’.

British philhellenism in Australia, more than ideas of race, ethnicity, stereotypes and loyalty moulded what it meant to be Greek according to Australians. British philhellenism came to operate concurrently with race, specifically whiteness, and allowed Greeks-in-Australia to be considered and treated as White Greek Australians. Philhellenism also operated concurrently with stereotypes: Greeks were the progenitors of an ancient civilization, but they also had the fish and chips shop down the road.

 

Notes

 

1. “Peace Bluffs and Neutrals,” The Kalgoorlie Miner, 18 December, 1916.
2. “Greek Position,” The Murchison Times and Day Dawn Gazette, 3 November, 1915.
3. “German Officers in Greece,” The Evening Echo, 9 November, 1915.
4. Christos N. Fifis, “The Pre-World War II Greek Community of Australia: Class Divisions and Trends,” Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 30, no. 2 (2004): 60.
5. Fifis, “The Pre-World War II Greek Community of Australia,” 60–61.
6. John Yiannakis, “KalgoorIie Alchemy: Xenophobia, Patriotism and the 1916 Anti-Greek Riots,” Early Days: Journal of the Royal Western Australian Historical Society 11, no. 2 (1996): 203.
7. “European War,” The Pilbarra Goldfield News, 4 January, 1916.
8. “Rioting in Perth,” Norseman Times, 31 October, 1916.
9. Yiannakis, “Kalgoorlie Alchemy,” 204.
10. Yiannakis, “Kalgoorlie Alchemy,” 205.
11. Sarah Gregson, “War, Racism and Industrial Relations in an Australian Mining Town, 1916–1935,” The Economic and Labour Relations Review 18, no. 1 (2007): 88.
12. “Greek Treachery,” “The Athens Slaughter-House,” “Saturday’s Conflict,” The West Australian, 8 December, 1916.
13. “The Grecian Crisis,” “Allies Attacked by 11,000,” “Persecution of Venizelists,” “Press News from Athens not Reliable,” “Denial of Recalls,” ““Athens a Slaughterhouse”,” The Kalgoorlie Miner, 8 December, 1916.
14. Yiannakis, “Kalgoorlie Alchemy,” 201.
15. Yiannakis, “Kalgoorlie Alchemy,” 206.
16. Yiannakis, “Kalgoorlie Alchemy,” 206–207.
17. “Ruined by Rioters,” The Journal, 15 November, 1918.
18. The Western Argus, Page 18, 19 December, 1916.
19. Andonis, Piperoglou, ““Border Barbarisms”, Albury 1902: Greeks and the Ambiguity of Whiteness.” Australian Journal of Politics and History 64, no. 4 (2018): 530.
20. Yiannakis, “Kalgoorlie Alchemy,” 200.
21. Piperoglou, “Border Barbarisms,” 530–531.

 

Bibliography

 

“European War.” The Pilbarra Goldfield News, 4 January, 1916. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/146124958/18047227

Fifs, Christos N. “The Pre-World War II Greek Community of Australia: Class Divisions and Trends.” Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 30, no. 2 (2004): 57–83.

“German Officers in Greece.” The Evening Echo, 9 November, 1915. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/241691121/26205443

“Greek Position.” The Murchison Times and Day Dawn Gazette, 3 November, 1915. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/233255977/25239154

“Greek Treachery;” “The Athens Slaughter-House;” “Saturday’s Conflict.” The West  Australian, 8 December, 1916. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/26999589/2802303

Gregson, Sarah. “War, Racism and Industrial Relations in an Australian Mining Town, 1916–1935.” The Economic and Labour Relations Review 18, no. 1 (2007): 79–98.

“Peace Bluffs and Neutrals.” The Kalgoorlie Miner, 18 December, 1916. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/92522188/9018498

Piperoglou, Andonis. ““Border Barbarisms”, Albury 1902: Greeks and the Ambiguity of Whiteness.” Australian Journal of Politics and History 64, no. 4 (2018): 529–543.

“Rioting in Perth.” Norseman Times, 31 October, 1916.” https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/148939624/18308423

“Ruined by Rioters.” The Journal, 15 November, 1918.” https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/213249582/23907463

“The Grecian Crisis;” Allies Attacked by 11,000;” “Persecution of Venizelists;” “Press News from Athens not Reliable;” “Denial of Recalls;” ““Athens a Slaughterhouse”.” The Kalgoorlie Miner, 8 December, 1916. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/92522123/9018438

The Western Argus. Page 18, 19 December, 1916. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/33800599/4194191

Yiannakis, John. “Kalgoorlie Alchemy: Xenophobia, Patriotism and the 1916 Anti-Greek Riots.” Early Days: Journal of the Royal Western Australian Historical Society 11, no. 2 (1996): 199–211.